Voting for
Neither
I
recently quoted G.K. Chesterton on the flaw in a two-party system:
The democracy has the right to answer questions, but it has no
right to ask them. It is still the political aristocracy that asks the
questions. And
we shall not be
unreasonably cynical if we suppose that the political aristocracy will
always be rather careful what questions it asks.
In fact, the two big parties
always ask the same irksome question: Which of us do you prefer? If your
reply is neither, you may, like half the electorate, stay
home on election day.
The proof that both parties are
really the same party is simple: Neither wants to repeal much of what the
other party has achieved. The Republicans now promise to preserve and
even aggrandize all the Democratic programs and agencies they used to
oppose. One neoconservative journalist, Fred Barnes,
approvingly calls President Bush a big-government
conservative.
Actually, the phrase is slightly
misleading, even apart from being a contradiction in terms. Bush is a
bigger-government conservative, or rather a much-bigger-government
conservative, for whom there are no limits on the size and scope of
government. You might as well call him a totalitarian conservative.
So our choices are
liberal and conservative totalitarianism. Both parties are one in seeking
an indefinite, irreversible accumulation of power by government. They
differ slightly on the immediate direction this growth should take, but
there is no debate on the shared premise that government should just keep
growing. When they promise change, they always mean more
government; never that the premise itself will change.
Those who want to choose
neither but dont want to stay home on
November 2 may want to consider Michael Anthony Peroutka of the
Constitution Party. Peroutka is a pleasant, good-humored Maryland lawyer
who sings and plays the guitar at his campaign rallies. No extravagant
claims should be made for his singing and strumming, but his campaign
theme may be sweet music to your ears: finite government.
![[Breaker quote: Meet Michael Peroutka.]](2004breakers/040805.gif) Peroutka
doesnt just want to halt government growth; he
wants to prune away most of the jungle of laws that has already grown.
The Constitution Party is dedicated to repealing the vast body of
legislation, including overweening judicial rulings, that isnt
authorized by the U.S. Constitution. It wants to change the two
parties premise.
Its a sign of the times
that a party that stands for recognizing the limits imposed by the
Constitution is regarded as extremist, unelectable, radical, outside the
mainstream. This is a phase new political movements always have to
endure, as the political aristocracy tries to keep them good
and marginalized. It happened to the Goldwater/Reagan movement.
Peroutka denies that hes
a spoiler hoping to move the Republican Party rightward.
Hes not trying to spoil anything; hes trying to restore
something. And, like most members of his party, he has long since given up
hope that the Republicans will ever restore it.
Everything old becomes new
again, and the constitutional paradigm Peroutka wants to bring back would
by now seem like a novelty. Only serious students of American history are
aware that it once existed. Not only did it exist, it worked far better than
most other forms of government, despite all pressures to change.
As Chesterton also wrote,
It is futile to discuss reform without reference to form.
For Peroutka, reform means a return to form. And the form lies close at
hand: in the Constitution. The two parties pretend to honor it, take oaths
to uphold it, and ignore it. The Republicans sometimes try, in their gauche
manner, to amend it, but the Democrats have long since learned to
circumvent it (especially through the judiciary) by inflating a few
passages and forgetting the rest the living
document approach, which denies that words have objective
meaning.
But no real rule of law can
emerge from subjectivist interpretation, by either legislators or judges.
So in a sense, Peroutka isnt just running for office; hes
fighting for an honest political language that has become almost extinct
among us. The Constitution presupposes that words do have objective
meaning, and that a shared and reliable political language is one of the
deepest preconditions of a free society. If you doubt that fuzzy language
can lead to tyranny, look around you.
Michael Peroutka doesnt
expect to win this year. But he is confident that in the end, the truth is
never offered in vain.
Joseph Sobran
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