THE WANDERER, JULY 22, 2004

JOSEPH SOBRAN'S
WASHINGTON WATCH

A Losing Strategy

     The proposed constitutional amendment defining 
marriage as a union between people of different sexes has 
met inglorious defeat in the U.S. Senate. It was a bad 
idea. As so often happens, social conservatives led with 
their chins, picking a fight they couldn't win.

     And didn't need. Like the recurrent 
anti-flag-burning amendment, it was a disproportionate 
reaction to a minor problem. Homosexual "marriage" may be 
in vogue in a few areas right now -- the usual wacky 
precincts, from San Francisco to Boston -- but it doesn't 
have much of a future as an institution.

     Massachusetts's Supreme Court, enacting its 
self-imposed duty of repealing Western civilization, 
brought the issue to the fore by finding that equal 
rights means that sodomy must be put on a par with 
procreative unions. This was a clever strategy to invoke 
the "full faith and credit" clause requiring all 50 
states to honor even the most bizarre laws of any single 
state, even if it's the Bay State. There is no logical 
limit to such absurdity, which might require all the 
states to recognize the lobster as a mammal if 
Massachusetts says so.

     The courts have been getting too big for their 
britches for many years; and, not content with 
legislating rather than just interpreting the law, 
they've now decided to overhaul the dictionaries too. The 
politically correct has become the linguistically 
preposterous.

     The correct response to a judicial power play is to 
treat it as null and void. The courts depend on the other 
branches of government to enforce their decisions. But 
those other branches are also entitled to interpret the 
Constitution, and they may, and should, refuse to enforce 
what they deem unconstitutional rulings.

     And if the courts refuse to respect their limits, 
there is the ultimate remedy of impeachment. It should 
have been used long ago, when the courts began usurping 
powers never assigned to them. If usurpation of power, 
destroying the balance of power among the three branches 
of government, isn't grounds for impeachment, what is?

     Nobody can honestly say that the Massachusetts court 
is merely interpreting the law; it is imposing its will, 
the current liberal agenda of sexual revolution. No 
dispassionate reader of the Constitution has ever 
concluded that it means what this court wants it to mean. 
The idea could only have occurred to an advocate of the 
homosexual cause. And judges aren't supposed to be 
advocates.

     In his famous dissent, Justice Byron White called 
the majority ruling in Roe v. Wade an act of "raw 
judicial power." He was exactly right: It was a 
usurpation of power, and therefore an abuse of power. 
Unfortunately, the country, or at least its political 
class, had by 1973 long since formed the habit of 
pretending that such abuses were perfectly legitimate 
exercises of judicial authority. If ever a judicial coup 
called for impeachment, that one did. But nobody even 
proposed it. Instead, opponents of legal abortion assumed 
the burden of amending the Constitution or at least 
gradually replacing the court's personnel.

     But it wasn't a personnel problem, and the 
Constitution wasn't the problem either. So, at about the 
same time a president was being impeached for relatively 
minor abuses of power, the runaway judiciary continued on 
its merry way; as it still does.

     And conservatives are still letting the courts not 
only rewrite the law, but determine the ground rules 
under which they escape all responsibility for even their 
most arrogant presumptions. It's impossible to conceive a 
more hapless strategy than trying to amend the 
Constitution every time the courts violate it. This has 
failed every time, and it has just failed again. (And 
even if it succeeded every time, the Constitution would 
wind up as long as the Federal Register.)

     But don't expect the conservatives to abandon this 
approach just because it never works and never can work. 
They seem to enjoy nothing better than offering futile 
constitutional amendments. It must be a great 
fund-raising tactic; but for achieving political results, 
it's like playing Russian roulette with one empty chamber 
in the pistol.

     So whose purposes does this strategy serve? 
President Bush and his political advisor Karl Rove have 
decided that sodomatrimony is a great election-year 
issue, a chance to highlight Republican "family values" 
in contrast to John Kerry's Massachusetts liberalism; and 
Bush endorsed the amendment. It cost him nothing; and it 
was effective sucker-bait for the conservatives who still 
want to believe he is "one of us" at heart and who 
wouldn't blame him if it was defeated. After all, he did 
his best, didn't he? He talked about the "sanctity" of 
marriage and all that. It's not his fault if the 
Democrats and tepid Republican moderates didn't back him 
up.

     Bush and Rove no doubt calculate that conservative 
frustration, carefully stoked, will pay off in passionate 
support in November. This is no time to abandon a losing 
strategy.


Further Confirmation

     The Senate Intelligence Committee's report has 
concluded, unanimously, that the Bush administration's 
case for attacking Iraq was pretty much groundless. It 
stopped short of suggesting any official mendacity, and 
even cleared the administration of pressuring the CIA to 
tell it what it wanted to hear. Still, it said the agency 
had "overstated" the threat posed by Saddam Hussein and 
was guilty of "group-think" in misinterpreting the 
evidence so badly.

     Even Pat Roberts, the committee's Republican 
chairman and an ally of the White House, suggested that 
he might not have favored the war if he'd known then what 
he knows now. Other committee members said more bluntly 
that an accurate presentation of the facts would have 
prevented the war.

     No pressure? Maybe the Bush team didn't twist any 
arms to get the results they wanted, but it was hardly 
necessary. The pressure was in the air itself, and only a 
hermit could have failed to know that Bush and Company 
were eager for justifications for striking Iraq.

     This report was an exercise in supererogation. By 
now Bush's case for war has been demolished so many 
times, by so many witnesses and by events themselves, 
that it has become monotonous. His defenders are reduced 
to carping about Michael Moore's exaggerations. They 
remind one of the Irish politician's indignant complaint: 
"Half the lies our enemies tell about us aren't true!"

     Bush himself doggedly insists that the Iraq war has 
made us "safer," even as his crack Homeland Security 
experts issue heightened warnings of new terrorist 
attacks. The future is always uncertain, but by now we 
can assume that any further revelations about the Iraq 
war will be embarrassing.

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     Good news about war! SOBRAN'S finds hopeful evidence 
about the stubbornness of the human conscience. If you 
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                                        --- Joseph Sobran

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