THE WANDERER, MAY 20, 2004

JOSEPH SOBRAN'S
WASHINGTON WATCH

The Growing Scandal

     As ugly details pour forth about the torture of 
Iraqi prisoners, even Secretary of Defense Donald 
Rumsfeld has been as nearly apologetic as he ever gets. 
In an obvious sense, the scandal serves this arrogant 
administration right. When you release the demons of war, 
you can't disown them. Those demons are your babies.

     I don't in the least want to make excuses for the 
torturers. Rush Limbaugh doesn't need any help: He likens 
the appalling pain and sexual humiliation to "college 
fraternity pranks," excusable as an "emotional release" 
for our brave fighting men and women who are being "shot 
at every day"; while at the same time insisting that 
these acts are totally atypical of our heroes and 
heroines. 

     Nonsense. First of all, fraternity pranks, however 
repellent, are excused because they are done to willing 
participants; and many college students have too much 
self-respect to submit to them. If they were done to 
involuntary subjects and continued for months, they would 
be crimes that would earn their perpetrators years in 
prison.

     Second, these "pranks" go far beyond campus high 
jinks. Sigma Kappa Tau doesn't use fierce dogs on new 
members, keep bags over their heads, and deprive them of 
sleep, food, and water for long stretches. 

     Third, the interrogators aren't battle-stressed 
soldiers; they are specialists, secluded from the 
battlefield, who are in little danger. They seem to have 
been having a good time at their work. Pfc. Lynndie 
English, photographed holding a naked Arab man on a 
leash, doesn't appear to have been in dire need of 
emotional release. She also turns out to be pregnant by a 
man she is no longer seeing. All in all, she's a rather 
inconvenient exemplar of American heroism.

     Finally, and most important, these practices do 
appear to be widespread. The notion that they are the 
work of a few "bad apples" forgets what the proverb says 
a few bad apples do to the whole barrel. 

     True, such things happen in every war -- which is 
another good argument against war in general. But they 
also happen whenever some people have too much power over 
others, and nobody is watching -- in domestic prisons, 
mental hospitals, and other institutions haunted by 
untold tales. The pressure against reporting abuses by 
one's fellow workers can be extremely strong. 

     My son calls this the Serpico Syndrome, after the 
New York cop who blew the whistle on police corruption, 
only to learn just how bad the problem really was. He not 
only had to quit the force; death threats from New York's 
Finest caused him to go into hiding and eventually leave 
the country. He'd broken the great rule: Never rat on 
your comrades, even if what they're doing defeats the 
whole purpose of the institution. 

     In Iraq, American interrogators have been defeating 
the proclaimed purpose of the war itself. The revelations 
have intensified the apoplectic anti-Americanism of the 
Arab world, probably ruining any remaining hope of a 
successful occupation and transition to democracy. 
President Bush no doubt disapproves of American girls 
smirking over naked Arab men on general principles, but 
it's hard to imagine anything more utterly destructive of 
his hope of pacifying Iraq than forcing Arab men to pose 
in passive roles for S&M porn.

     The story is so inflammatory, in fact, that only 
one country on earth can profit by the release of these 
obscene pictures. And it isn't the United States. 

     So the torture scandal isn't particularly Bush's or 
Rumsfeld's fault, except in the sense that if you wage 
war, you should realize that you are creating countless 
situations in which, for example, prisoners are going to 
be entirely at the mercy of their captors. Of course it's 
another matter if, say, Rumsfeld knew what was going on 
and tried to cover it up, in which case even supporters 
of the war ought to agree that he should resign. But 
soldiers who abuse prisoners are only doing what we 
should expect unless the most careful precautions are 
taken. And in any war, this is very hard to do. 

     Does this mean we should accept war itself as an 
excuse? Some argue that because such things "always 
happen" in wartime, we shouldn't be too shocked when they 
do occur. On the contrary, it means we should include the 
moral certainty of inevitable and unforeseeable horrors 
in any calculation of the costs of a proposed war. Again, 
this is a reason for opposing any war that isn't strictly 
justified. The question "Shall we go to war?" is hard to 
separate from the unasked question, "Shall we commit and 
ensure terrible crimes against the innocent (though of 
course we would prefer, if it were possible, only to kill 
and maim those who mean us harm)?"

     Nobody in his right mind can promise a war without 
atrocities. They do indeed "always happen," though we 
generally hear only about those of the enemy; our own 
government and our own soldiers are unlikely to tell us 
of those on our side. Journalists may, but they are apt 
to be censored, or at least accused of lending treasonous 
"aid and comfort" to the enemy, if they contradict 
official propaganda. Hence Limbaugh's fury at the 
amorphous "media" (as if he himself weren't the most 
popular media figure in the country!) for publicizing 
things he doesn't want mentioned. Hence, too, Rumsfeld's 
anxiety to deflect worse scandal by showing even more 
horrifying evidence to Congress, while keeping it from 
the public. 

     Much more will no doubt come to light about this 
revolting situation. However much of the blame may be due 
to Bush's oversight, nobody can believe he intended it; 
it has left his hope for progress in the Mideast in 
rubble and undone everything the war was supposed to 
achieve. It's as if someone was trying to sabotage his 
policy. Who might want to do that? Cui bono? 

     Only one country is gaining by this scandal, and 
it certainly isn't the United States. The tortures -- 
hooding the prisoners, the use of dogs, and sexual 
defilement, for example -- are particularly horrifying to 
Arabs, and they are methods long used on Palestinian 
prisoners by Israel's Shin Bet, whose agents have been 
coaching the American interrogators during the 
occupation. Ariel Sharon doesn't want improved relations 
between America and the Arabs; he wants polarization, 
with America and Israel against the Arab nations.

     The uproar over the Iraqi prisoners is achieving 
exactly that result. It is hard even to imagine improved 
Arab-American relations now. The weeks to come may tell 
us more about the Israeli role in this story. 

     Bush, with his dogged slogans of democracy, is 
loath to admit that American interests, as he conceives 
them, are radically at odds with Israeli interests as 
Sharon conceives them. Given domestic political 
pressures, few American politicians can afford to admit 
this. But it's the simple fact. 

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                                        --- Joseph Sobran

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