SOBRAN'S --
The Real News of the Month
August 2001
Volume 8, No. 8
Editor: Joe Sobran
Publisher: Fran Griffin (Griffin Communications)
Managing Editor: Ronald N. Neff
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CONTENTS
Features
-> The Moving Picture
-> Publisher's Note
-> Before the Hive
-> For the Record
Nuggets (plus Exclusives to this edition)
List of Columns Reprinted
FEATURES
The Moving Picture
(page 1)
The Hive's big new cause is stem-cell research, as
witness a NEWSWEEK cover story posing the issue as
"embryo research vs. pro-life politics." Research versus
politics -- get it? The story did mention in passing
"some 50 groups lobbying for stem-cell research," but
that's "science," as opposed to "politics." As usual, the
motives of those who want to protect innocent human life
are demeaned; those of the killers pass unexamined.
* * *
Among those who want the federal government to
subsidize the killing of live human embryos are, in
NEWSWEEK's phrase, "staunch pro-lifers," as in Orrin
Hatch (who else?), and that predictable "maverick" John
McCain.
* * *
Seems Roger Clinton took $50,000 from a convicted
drug dealer named Gambino on a promise to wangle a
presidential pardon, and brother Bill subsequently asked
the Justice Department to check Mr. Gambino's
eligibility. (No pardon was issued.) He's no kin to us,
says New York's famed Gambino family, who are
understandably anxious to avoid any impression that
they're linked to the Clintons.
* * *
Jesse "Papa Don't Preach" Jackson keeps appearing on
the covers of the tabloids. Enquiring minds want to know:
Is he still available for spiritual counseling?
* * *
Farewell to Carroll O'Connor, 76, forever Archie,
our favorite bigot. In spite of the intent of his
creator, Norman Lear, Archie won America's sympathy,
thanks to O'Connor's brilliant mugging. Archie was in
fact a paragon of tolerance, putting up with an
insufferable free-loading liberal son-in-law.
* * *
Farewell also to Mortimer Adler, 98, "the Great
Bookie," who promoted the classics for everyman, with
special regard for Aristotle and Aquinas. Adler had
studied under John Dewey at Columbia, but he rebelled
against Dewey's sterile relativism and became a champion
of the Good, the True, and the Beautiful. He died a
Catholic -- a fact the NEW YORK TIMES saw unfit to print
in its obituary.
* * *
The historian has his own past. Joseph Ellis of
Mount Holyoke College, author of prizewinning books on
the Founding Fathers, has been exposed as a liar for
claiming (among other fabrications) to have seen combat
in Vietnam. Ann Coulter points out that during the
Clinton impeachment proceedings Ellis also pushed the
dubious story that Thomas Jefferson begot a son on his
slave Sally Hemings -- lest the public forget that
presidential frailty has a long and distinguished
pedigree.
Publisher's Note
(page 2)
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---Fran Griffin
Before the Hive
(pages 3-5)
Over the past twenty years I've often written about
"the Hive" -- my nickname for the informal body of
opinion comprising liberals, socialists, outright
Communists, and various other strains of "progressive"
opinion.
Like an odor, such folk are easier to sense than to
define. They include assorted activists for specific
causes, as well as more passive enablers, especially in
the news media. The Democratic Party is their chief
American organ.
The Soviet Union, until it collapsed, was the Queen
Bee of the Hive. The Worker Bees of the West took their
bearings -- though not their orders -- from the great
socialist motherland. They operated sympathetically, but
independently. Most of them would have felt insulted if
their Soviet allies had tried to push them around.
The Hive was not, and is not, a conspiracy; it's
more a pattern. Naive anti-Communists, seeing the
pattern, have mistaken it for a conspiracy. The Bees, on
the other hand, have made their own mistake. Knowing that
they aren't parties to a conspiracy, they fail to see the
evident pattern of their collective behavior. By sheer,
insectlike instinct, they obey not the dictates of a
foreign power, but the internal logic of their own
nature, their yearning for a secularist and socialist
political order.
This yearning drew the Bees to Communism at one
period in modern history, but it also survived the
institutional death of Communism; though Communism was
profoundly attractive to the Bees as long as it appeared
viable, Communism as such was never the essence of the
attraction. Its powerful appeal, during the naive phase
of the Hive, was simply that the Soviet Union under
Stalin looked like a winner -- a huge and altogether
successful experiment in "building a new society" on
progressive lines. It was also frightening, and during
the 1930s, dubbed "the Red Decade" by Eugene Lyons (in
his scathingly witty book of that title), it wielded
incalculable power even in this country. Such people,
Lyons wrote, "were drawn to the Great Experiment by its
magnitude and seeming strength. Under the guise of a
nobly selfless dedication they were, in fact, identifying
themselves with Power."
In fact, the Communists and pro-Communists of the
Red Decade were distinguished by their real and virtual
allegiance to the Soviet Union and to Stalin himself.
Though they may have thought of themselves as
internationalists who transcended national loyalties,
they actually transferred their patriotism to a specific
foreign power, which they defended, justified, and
celebrated at every turn. It seems almost unbelievably
naive now, but the evidence Lyons amassed is undeniable.
THE RED DECADE is packed with the insane eulogies to
Stalin and Soviet Russia that gushed from American
liberals in those days. A new civilization was being born
... Russians were enjoying unprecedented freedom and
prosperity ... A new Renaissance was thriving ...
Industrial production was booming ...
All lies and fantasies -- the very opposite of the
indescribably grim truth. The vast and cruel tyranny was
claiming millions of lives, most of them due to a policy
of forced famine; the survivors lived in utter poverty,
due equally to tyranny and incompetence; art, culture,
and intellectual life were being crushed, along with
religion. Civilization itself was being murdered in
Russia, with the vociferous approval of free men in the
still-civilized countries to the West.
A few honest visitors told the truth. But they were
shouted down, drowned out, vilified by the organized
Stalin apologists. These included not only party hacks,
but prominent and often gifted writers, intellectuals,
and opinion-makers: Lincoln Steffens, Louis Fischer, John
Strachey, Maurice Hindus, Malcolm Cowley, Granville
Hicks, Theodore Dreiser, Dashiell Hammett, Paul de Kruif,
James Weldon Johnson, Archibald MacLeish, George Soule,
Langston Hughes, George Seldes, Richard Wright, Newton
Arvin, Van Wyck Brooks, Kenneth Burke, Erskine Caldwell,
Dorothy Parker, S.J. Perelman, Irwin Shaw, Irving Stone,
Vincent Sheean, Upton Sinclair, Carl Van Doren, Louis
Untermeyer, William Carlos Williams, Lillian Hellman,
Henry Roth, Max Lerner, Heywood Broun, Ring Lardner Jr.,
and Nathaniel West.
All in all, an impressive roster. No wonder it took
a bold man to defy the engineered consensus that Stalin
and Communism were the wave of the future, the harbingers
of universal human destiny. Who could suppose that so
many leading intellectuals were prostituting their minds
for the sake of a single foreign tyrant? They seemed to
speak for enlightenment itself.
It's easy to suppose, now, that Communism was a
minor part of American life in the Thirties. We have all
been taught that McCarthy Era hysteria grossly magnified
the reality. It didn't. Through his iron (though hidden)
control of sycophantic intellectuals, labor unions, and
other forces, Stalin wielded enormous power over millions
of Americans, most of whom had no suspicion of his reach,
or of his sinister influence over their opinion leaders.
Stalin *was* Communism. Or rather, Communism became
whatever Stalin said it was. Indifferent to theory,
contemptuous of abstractions (and intellectuals), he had
a crude and undistracted appreciation of power: how to
get it, how to wield it, how to keep it. His method was
simple: terror. He murdered those who resisted him; he
also murdered those who assisted him, lest they acquire
some claim on him. His ruthlessness was felt through his
whole global network, and was emulated by his cadres
abroad. Where murder wasn't possible, character
assassination would do. The most severe punishments were
meted out to defectors, and the dread of Stalin's (or his
underlings') revenge did wonders for party cohesion.
"Our own American Popular Front," Lyons wrote,
"though never officially in power as it was in France and
for a brief period in Spain, penetrated, in various
degrees, the labor movement, education, the churches,
college and non-college youth movements, the theater,
movies, the arts, publishing in all its branches; it
bored deep into the Federal Government and in many
communities also into local government; it obtained a
stranglehold on great sectors of national and local
relief setups and made-work projects through domination
of the Workers Alliance, capture of key jobs, and other
stratagems. At its highest point -- roughly about 1938 --
the incredible revolution of the Red Decade had mobilized
the conscious or the starry-eyed, innocent collaboration
of thousands of influential American *educators, social
workers, clergymen, New Deal officials, youth leaders,
Negro and other racial spokesmen, Social Registerites,
novelists, Hollywood stars, script writers, and
directors, trade-union chiefs, men and women of abnormal
wealth* [my emphasis]. Its echoes could be heard in the
most unexpected places, including the supposed citadels
of conservatism and respectability." Apart from its
omission of journalists, this is a pretty fair catalogue
of the constituent Bees of today's Hive. Of course time
has added some new categories: feminists, homosexuals,
environmentalists, and the like.
Lyons added that "the complex communist United Front
tinctured every department of American life while it
lasted and has left its color indelibly on the mind and
moral character of the country. Our labor movement,
politics, arts, culture, and vocabulary still carry its
imprint."
If the Hive is spontaneous, the Red Decade *was*
conspiratorial. Stalin and his helpers were able to
manipulate "a horde of part-time pseudo-rebels who [had]
neither courage nor convictions, but only a muddy
emotionalism and a mental fog which made them an easy
prey for the arbiters of a political racket." The dreaded
charge of "red-baiting" (the forerunner of "McCarthyism,"
but far more deadly) was enough to cow into silence most
criticism of Soviet Communism. And of Stalin himself.
Anti-Communists risked, and often received, ostracism,
vicious slander, and personal harassment. It was
unnerving even to those few who had the nerve and stature
to withstand it; and it was especially effective in
deterring the far more numerous weak and timid souls from
following their example.
Lyons's book is a shocking reminder of how
powerfully Communism gripped American public opinion,
through publishing, entertainment, the labor movement,
and higher education. Today Communism is dead -- and yet
it isn't. The power that was once concentrated in a few
Red hands is now diffused among countless others, but,
though it doesn't exactly terrorize, it still
intimidates. As Charles Peguy presciently put it nearly a
century ago, "We shall never know how many acts of
cowardice have been motivated by the fear of seeming not
sufficiently progressive."
During the Red Decade, Soviet apologists deemed old
scruples out of place when measuring the Soviet
achievement. "On the contrary," as Lyons observed, "the
more distasteful the chore, the greater the credit."
Repression, purge, forced famine were alternately denied
and defended. The ten years of the Red Decade were "the
years of the apotheosis of Stalin. The Revolution had
been reduced to one man; Marxism, Soviet style, was just
another name for the whims and blunders of one man; the
Communist International and all its myriad appendages
were literally nothing more than his private racket."
Today's Hive is thoroughly decentralized. Yet it still
maintains its own highly effective discipline. It has
refined ideology into a sort of etiquette. "Progressive"
opinion enjoys the aura of politesse; whereas
"reactionary" views are felt to be ignorant and boorish.
The New Deal proved hospitable to Communist
infiltration. Franklin Roosevelt, though sometimes wary
of open association, praised Stalin's 1936 constitution
-- sufficient proof, by the way, that he had no grasp
whatever of the U.S. Constitution. Joseph Davies, his
ambassador to Moscow, wrote a famously fatuous book,
MISSION TO MOSCOW, in praise of Stalin's utopia. Such
cabinet officers as Frances Perkins (who, Lyons wrote,
"seems to live in dread of criticism from the Left"),
Harold Ickes, and Henry Wallace were always ready to lend
their names and persons to Communist-front groups.
As for Eleanor Roosevelt, Lyons captures her
essence: "The First Lady of the land became almost
standard equipment in setting up any new Innocents' Club
or in bolstering the prestige of an old one; her
sympathetic heart, her social-worker enthusiasm and
ideological naivete made her a perfect subject for
communist hoaxes.... In the inner circle of activists, I
was told, she was regarded as one of the party's most
valuable assets." One precious detail emerged long after
Lyons's book was published: Mrs. Roosevelt, attending a
diplomatic function, insisted on being escorted by Alger
Hiss.
Stalin could count on his cadres, fellow-travelers,
and dupes to follow every twist and reverse in his party
line, but he finally demanded too much even of the most
gullible. He destroyed his own Popular Front when he made
his pact with Germany in 1939 and joined the rape of
Poland. At that point even many hard-core Communists,
hating Hitler even more than they loved Stalin, at last
broke away in disgust.
From that moment, mechanical pro-Communism in
America was a thing of the past. The Soviet Union lost
nearly all its American loyalists. Many of them would
still pine for an "ideal" Communism, and continued to
regard Soviet Russia as vaguely progressive, but the old
thrill was gone forever.
During World War II Stalin enjoyed a temporary
reconciliation with American liberal opinion; through no
fault of his own, Soviet Russia was invaded by its German
allies (as Lyons had predicted) in June 1941, and in
December the United States entered the war on Stalin's
side. U.S. Government propaganda lied to the American
public about its "Russian friends" as shamelessly as the
Communists and fellow-travelers had lied during the Red
Decade. At the war's end, the fruits of victory in
Central Europe were too sweet for Stalin to bother hiding
his true colors, and American illusions were no longer
possible.
Today the liberals have run out of utopias. Russia
is Russia again, having renounced the Red dream after
terror devolved into shabbiness; China, though semi-
Commie, can be nobody's ideal; Cuba is both brutal and
squalid. Even Sweden has lost its charm.
The Hive no longer believes in socialism, though it
keeps moving spasmodically toward it out of old habits.
The victory of market capitalism is too clear, and
planned economies have proved embarrassing. The Bees have
to settle for keeping the welfare state -- also semi-
disreputable -- and making hay on abortion, sodomy,
environmentalism, smoking, whatever promises to allow
some incremental government growth. During the
impeachment battle they defended Bill Clinton with the
same solidarity with which the old Left defended Stalin,
but it wasn't really the same. Stalin was, after all, a
far more inspirational figure.
But the residue of the Red Decade is still with us,
just as Lyons said sixty years ago. The Hive bears traces
of its ancestry. It still believes reflexively in the
state, vilifies its opponents, and, above all, keeps its
gains. It practices not only a "politics of personal
destruction," but a politics of *general* destruction,
in which all social relations are determined by force. It
believes in power and nothing else.
Having said all that, I think the strongest
resemblance between the old Left and the Hive lies in
their shared hatred of human individuality. To become a
Bee in this Hive is to surrender, voluntarily and
eagerly, your own personality; to submerge the self in a
collectivity; to prefer the buzzing cliche of the group
to individualized thought and expression; to take
satisfaction in belonging, and conforming, to a powerful
mass, while punishing others for failure to conform. This
is not only a political but a spiritual condition. It was
true of the Stalinists, and it's true of the Hive. All
the names have changed since the Thirties, yet you get
the eerie feeling that the old Stalinists and today's
Bees are somehow *the same people.*
The similarity to an insect colony -- where the
individual exists only functionally, being both
indistinguishable from and interchangeable with its
fellows -- is not superficial. It's of the essence. To be
an insect is to be relieved of the burden of having a
soul of your own.
For the Record
(page 6)
(Material deleted from the print version for reasons of
space is contained in square brackets [thus].)
Nothing, it seems, can dispel the notion that Pope
Pius XII maintained a "shameful silence" about the
persecution of Jews during World War II. But Ralph
McInerny, in his book THE DEFAMATION OF PIUS XII, quotes
what Jews, prominent and otherwise, were saying at the
time.
"Only the Catholic Church protested against the
Hitlerian onslaught on liberty," said Albert Einstein in
1940.
In 1942 London's JEWISH CHRONICLE remarked: "A word
of sincere and earnest appreciation is due from Jews to
the Vatican for its intervention in Berlin and Vichy on
behalf of their tortured co-religionists in France....
[It was a step urged, to their honor, by a number of
Catholics, but for which we may be sure the Holy Father
himself, with his intense humanity and his clear sighted
understanding of the true and deadly implications of the
assaults on the Jewish people, needed no prompting.]"
Dr. Alexander Shafran, chief rabbi of Romania, wrote
in 1944: "In these hard times our thoughts turn more than
ever with respectful gratitude to the Sovereign Pontiff,
who has done so much for Jews in general.... In our worst
hours of trial, the generous aid and noble support of the
Holy See ... has been decisive. It is not easy to find
the proper words to express the relief and solace which
the magnanimous gesture of the Supreme Pontiff has given
us, in offering a large subsidy in order to alleviate the
sufferings of the deported Jews. Roumanian Jewry will
never forget these facts of historical importance."
After the Allies liberated Rome in 1944, a Jewish
Brigade Group said in its BULLETIN: "To the everlasting
glory of the people of Rome and the Roman Catholic Church
we can state that the fate of the Jews was alleviated by
their truly Christian offers of assistance and shelter.
Even now, many still remain in the religious homes and
houses which opened their doors to protect them from
deportation to certain death."
One survivor, quoted in a Hebrew daily in Israel,
said: "If we have been rescued, if Jews are still alive
in Rome, come with us and thank the Pope in the Vatican."
A committee of the American Jewish Welfare Board,
wrote to Pius himself: "We have received reports from our
military chaplains in Italy of the aid and protection to
Italian Jews by the Vatican, priests, and church
institutions during the Nazi occupation of the country.
We are deeply moved by this extraordinary display of
Christian love -- the more so as we know the risk
incurred by those who afforded shelter to Jews.... From
the bottom of our hearts we send you the assurances of
undying gratitude."
The elders of one liberated camp went to Rome and
presented Pius with a letter: "Now that the victorious
Allied troops have broken our chains and liberated us
from captivity and danger, may we, the Jewish internees
of Ferramonti, be permitted to express our deepest and
devoted thanks for the comfort and help which Your
Holiness deigned to grant us with fatherly concern and
infinite kindness throughout our years of internment and
persecution.... In doing so Your Holiness has as the
first and highest authority on earth fearlessly raised
his universally respected voice, in the face of our
powerful enemies, in order to defend openly our rights to
the dignity of man.... When we were threatened with
deportation to Poland in 1942, Your Holiness extended his
fatherly hand to protect us, and stopped the transfer of
the Jews interned in Italy, thereby saving us from almost
certain death. With deep confidence and hope that the
work of Your Holiness may be crowned with further
success, we beg to express our heartfelt thanks while we
pray to the Almighty: May Your Holiness reign for many
years on this Holy See and exert your beneficent
influence over the destiny of the nations."
A few months later the World Jewish Congress sent a
telegram to the Holy See thanking it for its protection
"under difficult conditions to the persecuted Jews in
German dominated Hungary."
The chief rabbi of Jerusalem, Isaac Herzog, said: "I
thank the Pope and the Church from the bottom of my heart
for all the help they have afforded."
Moshe Sharett, a leading Zionist, summed up his
personal interview with Pius: "I told him that my first
duty was to thank him, and through him, the Catholic
Church, on behalf of the Jewish public, for all they had
done in the various countries to rescue Jews, to save
children, and Jews in general. We are deeply grateful to
the Catholic Church for what she did in those countries
to help save our brothers."
Dr. Leon Kubowitzky of the World Jewish Council
offered a large monetary donation to the Vatican "in
recognition of the work of the Holy See in rescuing Jews
from Fascist and Nazi persecutions."
Raffaele Cantoni of Italy's Jewish Welfare Committee
said: "The Catholic Church and the papacy have given
proof that they have saved as many Jews as they could."
These noble and moving words require little comment.
I record them here for the honor of Pius, the Catholic
Church, and the good men who uttered them.
NUGGETS
CRUEL AND UNUSUAL: The Justice Department reports a sharp
decline in AIDS-related deaths in prisons -- only 242 in
1999, down from a peak of 1010 in 1995, but HIV
infections in prisons are increasing. Homosexual rape, a
common feature of life behind bars, is ugly enough; but
now it threatens to become lethal. You don't have to be a
bleeding-heart reformer to ask why a criminal conviction
should entail the risk of death. (page 9)
SECULARISM IN ONE LESSON: The separation of church and
state seems to mean chiefly that the Ten Commandments
don't apply to the government -- particularly those
forbidding killing, stealing, and coveting. (page 10)
Exclusive to the electronic version:
LATE HIT: New disclosures from Russia inform us that
Joseph Stalin had an illegitimate son by a 14-year-old
girl. Why are we only learning this *now?* What Uncle
Joe did in his private life was his own business, as long
as it didn't interfere with his performance of his public
duties.
THE FASHIONABLE CONSCIENCE: Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
intimates that she has qualms about the death penalty:
"If statistics are any indication, the system may well be
allowing some innocent defendants to be executed." Very
true, but why are the workings of the "system," at the
state level, the business of the federal judiciary? And
by the way, why isn't Justice O'Connor troubled that the
system allows innocent babies to be aborted?
REPRINTED COLUMNS (pages 7-12)
* The Age of the Misfit (June 7, 2001)
http://www.sobran.com/columns/010607.shtml
* The Judiciary and the Rule of Law (June 12, 2001)
http://www.sobran.com/columns/010612.shtml
* Bowdlerizing C.S. Lewis (June 19, 2001)
http://www.sobran.com/columns/010619.shtml
* Baseball's Knight (June 26, 2001)
http://www.sobran.com/columns/010626.shtml
* In the Name of "Civil Liberties" (June 28, 2001)
http://www.sobran.com/columns/010628.shtml
* John Locke in the Middle East (July 3, 2001)
http://www.sobran.com/columns/010703.shtml
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
All articles are written by Joe Sobran
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