THE PARTY OF ABNORMALITY
November 4, 2004
by Joe Sobran
One of my oldest, dearest friends is a liberal --
the real thing. He makes no bones about it, calling
himself a "secular humanist" with an aversion to revealed
religion. Utterly honest and principled, he was
enthusiastic about John Kerry and is distressed by
President Bush's reelection.
The analysts are already reaching a consensus on the
decisive factor in this election: not so much a
particular issue as the general climate of "moral values"
and their traduction in today's America. This concern was
a great asset to the Republicans, who played it for all
it was worth and then some.
Bush not only affirmed moral absolutes, but
suggested that opponents of the Iraq war are moral
relativists and, yes, secular humanists. Not very
logical, but it seems to have worked, thanks to Kerry and
the Democrats.
As my friend bears witness, Kerry had a strong
appeal to the unchurched and the unbeliever. His
professions of Catholicism didn't bother such people at
all, because his "faith" has no particular content. He
has the demeanor, and the voting record, of a New England
Unitarian. More Catholics voted for Bush than for Kerry.
Kerry won heavily among voters who saw the Iraq war as
the most important issue at stake, but this wasn't
enough.
Writing in the NEW YORK TIMES, Garry Wills, another
professed Catholic, notes plaintively that "many more
Americans believe in the Virgin Birth than in Darwin's
theory of evolution." To him Bush's victory signifies the
baneful results of religion undomesticated by
"Enlightenment values." If you believe in the Virgin
Birth, it seems, you are probably the sort of person who
supports Bush's "jihad" against the Muslim world.
I suspect that if the election were about "moral
values" alone, Bush would have won by a much wider
margin. His war is troubling to many people otherwise
inclined to support him, but some of them voted for him
anyway because they perceived that his faith is real and
Kerry's rings hollow. That is, they trusted him to lead
in a way they couldn't trust Kerry.
Put otherwise, if religious voters had felt that
Kerry was "one of us" at heart, the bad news from and
about Iraq this year might have been enough to topple
Bush. But we never felt that Kerry was criticizing Bush
from any matrix of conviction.
Kerry exemplifies the moral faddism of modern
liberalism, which infallibly gravitates to the abnormal
against the normal: abortion, "gay rights," and sexual
license in general, with government throwing its weight
on the side of each new fad that comes along. He couldn't
even bring himself to repudiate same-sex "marriage"
except in the most muffled, "nuanced" way, leaving
himself plenty of room for future reversal.
It isn't just Kerry; this is now the style of the
Democrats in general. Their moral faddism, with all its
morbid energy, is a given; it has no limits except those
imposed by political prudence. They disagree among
themselves only about how far to go at a given moment,
but the open-ended logic of their positions is clear
enough. Today they take positions nobody imagined 20
years ago; who knows what they'll be calling for 20 years
from now?
If every election becomes a referendum on normality,
the Democrats will keep losing. The Republicans have
already figured this out; the Democrats may be beginning
to catch on, but unfortunately they've already married
themselves (so to speak) to abnormal causes, which they,
like Wills, equate with enlightenment.
The hive-like moral conformity of the intellectuals
is among the wonders of the modern world. They are
positively attracted to perverse ideas like same-sex
"marriage." Never mind that this never even occurred to
the sodomites of antiquity, who understood perfectly well
that the point of marriage was to care for children: As
soon as the notion was proposed amongst us, the
putatively enlightened rallied unanimously to it. Nobody
laughed, let alone dissented.
The Democrats immediately adopted the idea, thereby
conceding the Republicans a monopoly on common sense.
This is a steep price to pay for victory in San
Francisco, Provincetown, and other precincts where the
only thing you're discouraged from putting in your mouth
is tobacco.
You don't have to be very conservative to have
qualms about suddenly discarding old traditions and
institutions in deference to the latest bright idea. But
we've succumbed to the shibboleth of "change" without
stopping to ask what is being changed into what.
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