LAND OF THE WHAT?
June 3, 2004
by Joe Sobran
I enjoy movies about World War II, especially those
made during the war itself. I think it's silly to talk
about the men who fought it as "the greatest generation,"
but they were my father's generation and I love the style
of manhood they represent -- the unassuming masculinity
of an older America, responsible rather than macho.
What the war movies don't show -- and what they
wouldn't have been allowed to show if they'd wanted to --
was the deceit by which Franklin Roosevelt tried to bring
on the war. The historian Robert Dallek writes, "In light
of the national unwillingness to face up fully to the
international dangers facing the country, it is difficult
to fault Roosevelt for building a consensus by devious
means." This is the view of most older historians: We
forced Roosevelt to lie to us for our own good.
Still, Dallek concedes, "For all the need [!] to
mislead the country in its own interest [!], the
President's deviousness also injured the national
well-being in the long run. His [secret provocation of
Germany] created a precedent for manipulation of public
opinion which would be repeated by later Presidents in
less justifiable [!] circumstances." Roosevelt also used
the FBI to spy on political opponents with illegal
wiretaps and interceptions of their mail.
As Edmund Burke put it, "Criminal means, once
tolerated, are soon preferred." But it didn't start with
Roosevelt. Deceiving the American public into war already
had a long history.
In 1845, President James Polk falsely accused Mexico
of attacking the United States, thus using his office to
initiate a war of conquest. Congress went along with him.
Among the few who opposed him was a courageous freshman
congressman from Illinois, Abraham Lincoln, who demanded
proof that Mexico had really been the aggressor. Polk
ignored him, Lincoln was branded a traitor, and when
Lincoln lost his seat after only one term, his political
career appeared to be over.
Unfortunately, Lincoln drew the wrong lesson from
Polk's success: He learned that a president can get away
with anything in wartime. When, after an amazing
comeback, he became president himself, he made war on the
seceding states and crushed criticism and political
opposition in the North with thousands of arbitrary
arrests, including that of a congressman who opposed him
as bravely as he had once opposed Polk. He had to
misrepresent the Constitution in order to violate it as
freely as he did. And of course when the Confederacy
fired on Fort Sumter (total fatalities: one horse), he
had the inflammatory incident he needed.
In 1898, President William McKinley whipped up war
fever against Spain over Cuba. Spain had neither attacked
nor threatened the United States and was in fact so eager
to avoid war that it tried desperately to appease
McKinley. But when the American battleship the USS Maine
blew up in Havana harbor, probably by accident, McKinley
had the pretext he needed. War was on, and it was quickly
expanded all the way to the Phillippines, which the
United States grabbed on the pretext of establishing
democracy there. With Spain defeated, this
"democratization" required the bloody suppression of a
genuine independence movement. (Sound familiar?)
So the United States had already become an imperial
power, sending its forces around the globe, by the time
Woodrow Wilson schemed to get the United States into
World War I on the British side against Germany, while
professing to maintain neutrality and "keep us out of
war." He got his pretext for hostilities when German
submarines attacked American merchant ships carrying --
in violation of his proclaimed neutrality -- munitions to
England. An eager learner from his duplicitous and
successful methods was his young assistant secretary of
the navy, Franklin Roosevelt.
And so it has gone, through World War II, Korea,
Vietnam, and Iraq, not to mention Grenada and Panama.
Typically, Americans are warned of a "threat" from a
country that would be either very rash or out of its mind
to attack us, usually followed by a suspicious incident
that seems to justify the warning.
How many times must we fall for the same old tricks?
The recurrent pattern is so striking that it suggests
that this will never be the Land of the Free until it
ceases being the Land of the Gullible.
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